The dirt
roads here are ominously empty. So are the villages. "We live like animals here," says Mareus Faiton-Haena. Every few
kilometres the thick bush recedes to reveal a few mud brick houses with straw
roofs.
Sometimes a dog or a goat stares from a doorway. Many of the homes have
been burnt.
But where are the people?
An hour's
drive on a rutted track north of the dilapidated town of Bossangoa, past dozens
of abandoned hamlets, we stopped at the sprawling village of Lere.
We shouted
towards the bushes, and I found an old wheel hub to bang.
After about 15 minutes, three nervous-looking men emerged from the long
grass.
"We
were scared. We thought you might be Seleka," said Guy Sawa, a gaunt
34-year-old farmer carrying a battered machete.
"When
we heard the cars we ran away - when they come into town they just start
shooting."
Lere contains nothing but deserted huts
His
brother had been in such a rush to hide that he'd fallen and cut his knees.
Seleka is
the former rebel alliance that recently overthrew the president of the Central
African Republic (CAR) and then disintegrated into banditry, score-settling and
horrific brutality.
Inter-communal
violence has followed, increasingly along religious lines, with Christian
self-defence "anti-Balaka" forces targeting Muslim communities
thought to be allied to the Seleka.
"We don't want war. We're here to reassure the population," a
Seleka commander, Sylvain Bordas, had told me the day before at a roadblock
closer to the capital, Bangui.
But the
empty villages to the north tell another story.
Lere has
been empty for months.
"I
will take you to where we hide," said Guy Sawa, setting off into the
undergrowth at a fast pace.
Half an
hour later, we reached a clearing and more than a dozen civilians standing
beside a makeshift shelter. In all, roughly 400,000 people in CAR are thought
to be in a similar plight.
Whole villages are hiding in the bush
"We live like animals here. No clean water. No food. No medicine.
No salt. No soap," said Mareus Faiton-Haena, a 32-year-old teacher, who
said the community felt trapped by the Seleka on one side and armed Muslim
pastoralists on the other.
Beside
him, 22-year-old Flavie Degbem told me she had just buried her one-week-old
daughter who died of an unknown illness. She said the Seleka had shot dead her
brother. Two hours to the south we spotted some shadows behind a row of trees.
They emerged cautiously after we'd stopped our car.
Ghislan
Marto and five colleagues from the anti-Balaka were carrying crude homemade
shotguns and amulets, which they insisted made them "immune" to the
Seleka's more sophisticated AK47 automatic rifles.
"We are here to defend our village," said Ghislan, 30. But his
men said they had not exchanged fire with the Seleka for two months.
Earlier,
in Bangui, I'd met the African Union's representative, a feisty Djiboutian
woman named Hawa Ahmed Yusuf.
She, like
everyone else in town, was waiting for a new resolution from the UN Security
Council and, following that, an announcement from France's President Francois
Hollande, that his army would rush reinforcements into CAR.
Ms Yusuf
insists confidently that "we can break the cycle" of coups,
rebellions and autocrats in CAR, acknowledging that the African Union continued
to rely heavily on outside funding.
"Our continent is always facing so many challenges. Our heads of
state try to be ready but always we're facing the question of logistics and
funds.
"As
Africans we can make a difference. But sometimes as an African woman I'm very
embarrassed to see this country and all the victims - women suffering, young
girls raped without justice. But I hope all these things will be stopped with
the support of the international community."
Almost
everyone I've met here so far has expressed a similar hope that French troops,
and an expanded African force, can end the current instability.
As in Mali
at the start of the year, expect a rapid advance, a surge of stability, and
then a much tougher, messier search for longer-term solutions.
Villagers are seeking safety and shelter anywhere they can
Towards
evening we stopped in the market town of Bossangoa, where some 40,000 civilians
are currently seeking shelter - Muslims at a mosque, Christians in the grounds
of the Catholic church.
"The relationship on the streets between Muslims and Christians is
broken. Perhaps forever," said Father Dieudonne. "But if Seleka leave
town, maybe the relationship can survive."
Significantly,
negotiations have been take place in order to move the Seleka fighters to two
villages outside Bossangoa, in the hope that the country's shattered state
institutions can take their place, backed up by troops from the regional
peacekeeping force Fomac who are already patrolling the town. If it works, it
could be a significant breakthrough.
Smoke from hundreds of cooking fires hung in the twilight air around
the church as Estani Gbeya wandered through the crowds wearing an Arsenal
football shirt - a team he'd never heard of.
He is
eight but looks much smaller. Now he's an orphan. Disease killed his mother a
year ago. Last month a Seleka fighter shot dead his father in their village,
called Betoko.
Estani Gbeya is being cared for by an aunt after his father was killed
Perched on
a concrete step, Estani used a grubby sleeve to rub the tears from his eyes.
"All the Muslims were looking to kill us with any weapons they
had," he says.
"They
killed my father and took away his body. We felt so sad and tearful and we ran
away.
Now my
aunty is taking care of me. I don't know if I should stay here or go back to
our village. If we go back, what if Seleka kill us, then what will I
become?"
BBC News
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